日本語フィールド
著者：古賀弘毅題名：Compensatory geminates in Japanese dialects発表情報：Phonological forum 2015 (Phonological society of Japan), Osaka University at Toyonakaキーワード：概要：抄録：The current study reviews Hayata’s 1998 generative rule-based analysis and a plausible extension
of Sasaki’s 2013 OT analysis, which deals with a complex phenomenon of Hasaki-Ibaragi dialect
of Japanese, with regard to explaining the former part of geminates at the final of the non-past
forms of the /r/-final verbs in Takeo-Saga dialect of Japanese. Sasaki’s 2013 ranking of Max[Place]
and the markedness constraint *u#C (to prohibit the final vowel /u/ before the initial consonant
of the syntactic head) incorrectly predicts for Takeo-Saga dialect that [siN gokiburi] does not surface
for /sinu gokiburi/ ‘a cockroach that will die’. In addition, Sasaki 2013 as well as Hayata
1998 cannot explain why consonant geminates occur, not capturing the phenomenon in the dialect
as compensatory germinates. The phenomenon of Takeo-Saga-Japanese dialect fits Hayes’ 1989
moraic theory in the framework of McCarthy’s 2008 HS-OT better. Hayata’s 1998 verb final /u/-
deletion can be replaced with the more general markedness constraint *Vru, where /u/ or /ru/ is the
non-past morpheme. 1) A markedness constraint, the prohibition of Prosodic Prominence on Expletives
on the assumption that the allomorphs of the non-past tense are /u/, /ru/ and /u+ru/, and 2)
the faithfulness constraint Ident[cons] are relevant to why consonant germinates occur. The adoption
of Hayes 1989 makes it possible to explain the Japanese phenomenon along the compensatory
lengthening and germinates of other languages like Lesbian and Thessalian dialects of Greek.英語フィールド
Author：KOGA, HirokiTitle：Compensatory geminates in Japanese dialectsAnnouncement information:Phonological forum 2015 (Phonological society of Japan), Osaka University at ToyonakaAn abstract：The current study reviews Hayata’s 1998 generative rule-based analysis and a plausible extension
of Sasaki’s 2013 OT analysis, which deals with a complex phenomenon of Hasaki-Ibaragi dialect
of Japanese, with regard to explaining the former part of geminates at the final of the non-past
forms of the /r/-final verbs in Takeo-Saga dialect of Japanese. Sasaki’s 2013 ranking of Max[Place]
and the markedness constraint *u#C (to prohibit the final vowel /u/ before the initial consonant
of the syntactic head) incorrectly predicts for Takeo-Saga dialect that [siN gokiburi] does not surface
for /sinu gokiburi/ ‘a cockroach that will die’. In addition, Sasaki 2013 as well as Hayata
1998 cannot explain why consonant geminates occur, not capturing the phenomenon in the dialect
as compensatory germinates. The phenomenon of Takeo-Saga-Japanese dialect fits Hayes’ 1989
moraic theory in the framework of McCarthy’s 2008 HS-OT better. Hayata’s 1998 verb final /u/-
deletion can be replaced with the more general markedness constraint *Vru, where /u/ or /ru/ is the
non-past morpheme. 1) A markedness constraint, the prohibition of Prosodic Prominence on Expletives
on the assumption that the allomorphs of the non-past tense are /u/, /ru/ and /u+ru/, and 2)
the faithfulness constraint Ident[cons] are relevant to why consonant germinates occur. The adoption
of Hayes 1989 makes it possible to explain the Japanese phenomenon along the compensatory
lengthening and germinates of other languages like Lesbian and Thessalian dialects of Greek.